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;strong2.4 OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLES;/strong
I hae with a her in Engnd or Arica, who hath not fessed his opinion that a separatioweeries, would take pe ti or other: And there is no instance, in which we hae shewn less judgent, than in eo describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness of the ti for independence.
As all n allow the asure, and ary only in their opinion of the ti, let us, in order to ree stakes, take a general surey of things, and endeaour, if possible, to find out the VERY ti. But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH FOUND US.
The general currehe glorious union of all things proe the fact.
It is not in nuers, but in unity, that reat strength lies; yet our present nuers are suffit to repel the force of all the world.
The ti hath, at this ti, the rgest body of ard and disciplined n of any power under Heaen; and is just arried at that pitch of strength, in whio single y is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, aplish the tter, aher re, or, less than this, ght be fatal in its effects. Our nd force is already suffit, and as to naal affairs, we ot be insensible, that Britain would neer suffer an Ari n of war to be bui, while the ti reined in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hen that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the tier of the try is eery day dinishing, and that, which will rein at st, will be far off and difficu to procure.
Were the ti crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings uhe present circes would be intolerable. The re seaport towns we had, the re should we hae both to defend and to lose. Our present nuers are so happily proportioo our wants, that no n need be idle.
The dinution of trade affords an ar, and the ies of an ar creat;rk藏书网;/rke a rade.
Debts we hae none; and whateer we y tra this at will sere as a glorious nto of our irtue. we but leae posterity with a settled foer, an iitution of its own, the purchase.. any price will be cheap. But to epend llions for the sake of getting a few ile acts repealed, and routing the present nistry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utst cruey; because it is leaing thethe great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, frowhich they derie no adantage. Such a thought is unworthy of a n of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling politi.
The debt we y tract doth not desere ard, if the work be but aplished. No nation ought to be without a debt.
A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no i, is in no case a grieanbsp; Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty llions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four llions i. And as a pensation for her debt, she has a rge nay; Arica is without a debt, and without a nay; yet for the tweh part of the English national debtuld hae a nay as rge again. The nay of Engnd is not worth, at this ti, re than three llions and an half sterling.
The first and sed editions of this pahlet were published without the following calcutions, which are now gien as a proof that the aboe estition of the nay is just.
[See Entiaal history, intro.  age 56.] The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with sts, yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight nths boatswains and carpenters seastores, as calcuted by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the nay.
[pounds Sterling] For a ship of a 100 guns- 35,553 90 -- 29,886 80 -- 23,638 70 -- 17,795 60 -- 14,197 50 -- 10,606 40 --7,558 30 --5,846 20 --3,710 And frohe is easy to suup the alue, ost rather, of the whole British nay, whi the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory sisted of the following ships and guns: Ships. Guns. st of o of all 6 - 100 -35,553- 213,31812 -90 -29,886- 358,63212 -80 -23,638- 283,65643 -70 -17,785- 764,75535 -60 -14,197- 496,89540 -50 -10,606- 424,24045 -40 - 7,558- 340,11058 -20 - 3,710- 215,180 85 Sloops, bos, and fireships, one 2,000170,000 with another, _________ st 3,266,786 Reins funs,_________ 233,214_________3,500,000 No try on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet as Aribsp; Tar, ti;dfn;/dfnber, iron, and ce are her natural produbsp; We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch, who ke rge profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Puese, are obliged to iort st of their terials they use.
We ought to iew the building a fleet as an article of erce, it being the natural nufactory of this try. It is the best ney we y out.
A nay when finished is worth re than ist. And is that nice point in national policy, in whierd prote are united. Let us build; if we want thenot, we sell; and by that ans repce our paper currency with ready gold and siler. In point of nning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that one fourth part should he sailors.
The Terrible priateer, Captaih, stood the hottest e of any ship st war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her plent of n wards of two hundred.
A few able and social sailors will soon instruct a suffit nuer of actie ndn in the on work of a ship. Wherefore, we neer be re capable to begin on riti tters than now, while our tier is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of eloy. Men of war of seenty ay guns were bui forty years ago in New-Engnd, and why not the sa now? Ship-building is Aricas greatest pride, and in which she will in ti ecel the whole world.
The great eires of the east are stly innd, and sequently ecluded frothe possibility of rialling her.
Africa is in a state of barbaris and no power in Europe hath either su etent oast, or su internal supply of terials.
Where nature hath gien the one, she has withheld the other; to Arily hath she been liberal of both. The ast eire of Russia is alst shut out frothe sea: wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and ce are only articles of erce.
In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the little people now, which we were sity years ago; at that ti we ght hae trusted our property ireets, or fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bos to our doors or windows. The case now is aered, and our thods of defense ought to iroe with our increase of property. A on pirate, twele nths ago, ght hae e up the Deware, and id the city of Phidelphia under instant tribution, for what suhe pleased; and the sa ght hae happeo other pces.
Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or siteen guns ght hae robbed the whole ti, and carried off half a llion of ney.
These are circes which dend our attention, and point out the y of naal prote.
So, perhaps, will say, that after we hae de it up Britain, she will protect us. we be so unwise as to an, that she shall keep a nay in our harbours for that purpose? on sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeaoured to subdue us, is of all others the st iroper to defend us.
quest y be effected uhe pretence of friendship; and ourseles after a long and brae resistance, be at st cheated into sery. And if her ships are not to be adtted into our harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us? A nay three or four thousand les off be of little use, and on sudden ergencies, all.
Wherefore, if we st hereafter protect ourseles, why not do it for ourseles? The English list of ships of war, is long and fordable, but not a tenth part of theare at any oi fit for seriuers of thenot in being; yet their nas are poously tinued in the list, f only a pnk be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are fit for seribsp; be spared on any oation at oi.
The East a Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts oer which Britaiends her ci ke rge dends upon her nay.
Froa ture of prejudid iion, we hae tracted a false notion respeg the nay of Engnd, and hae talked as if we should hae the whole of it to e once, and for that reason, supposed, that we st hae one as rge; whiot being instantly practicable, hae been de use of by a set of disguised Tories to disning thereon. Nothing be farther frotruth than this; for if Arica had only a tweh part of the naal force of Britain, she would be by far ach for her; because, as we her hae, nor y fn donion, our whole force would be eloyed on our owast, where we should, in the long run, hae two to ohe adantage of those who had three or four thousao sail oer, before theuld attack us, and the sa distao return in order to refit and recruit. And ahough Britain, by her fleet, hath a check oer our trade to Europe, we hae as rge a one oer her trade to the West Indies, which, by ying in the neighbourhood of the ti, is entirely at its rcy.
So thod ght be fallen on to keep up a naal for ti of peace, if we should not judge it necessary to support a stant nay.
If preu were to be gien to rts, to build and eloy in their serice ships unted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the preu to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the rts) fifty or sity of those ships, with a few guardships on stant duty, would keep up a suffit nay, and that without burdening ourseles with the eil so loudly pined of in Engnd, of suffering their fleet, in ti of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To uhe sinews of erd defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches py into each others hand, we need fear ernal ene.
In alst eery article of defense we abound. He flourishes een to rankness, so that we need not want bsp; Our iron is superior to that of other tries. Our sll ar equal to any in the world.
on we cast at pleasure. Sapetre and gunpowder we are eery day produg. Our knowledge is hourly iroing. Resolution is our i character, ah neer yet forsaken us. Wherefore, what is it that we want? Why is it that we hesitate? FroBritain we epeothing but ruin. If she is oted to the goer of Arica again, this ti will not be worth liing in.
Jealousies will be always arising; insurres will be stantly happening; and who will go forth to quell the Who will enture his life to reduce his own tryn to a fn obediehe differeween Pennsylania aicut, respeg so unlocated nds, shews the insignifice of a British goer, and fully proes, that nothing but tial authority regute tial tters.
Another reason why the present ti is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our nuers are, the re nd there is yet unoupied, whistead of being ished by the king on his worthless dependants, y be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the prese, but to the stant support of goer. No nation under heaen hath su ada this.
The infant state of the ies, as it is called, so far frobeing against, is an argunt in faour of independance.
We are suffitly nurous, and were we re so, we ght be less united.
It is a tter worthy of obseration, that the re a try is peopled, the sller their ares are. In litary nuers, the as far eceeded the de: and the reason is eident. for trade being the sequence of popution, oo ch absorbed thereby to attend to anything else. erce dihe spirit, both of patriotisand litary defenbsp; And history suffitly infor us, that the braest achieents were always aplished in the non-age of a nation.
With the increase of erce, Engnd hath lost its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding its nuers, subts to tinued insus with the patience of ward. The re o lose, the less willing are they to ehe rich are in general ses to fear, and subt turtly power with the treling duplicity of a Spaniel.
Youth is the seed ti of good habits, as well in nations as in indiiduals.
It ght be difficu, if not iossible, to forthe ti into one goer half a tury hehe ast ariety of is, oasioned by an increase of trade and popution, would create fusion.
y would be against y. Each being able ght s each others assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distins, the wise would nt, that the union had not been ford before.
Wherefore, the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it.
The inticy which is tracted in infancy, and the friendship which is ford in sfortune, are, of all others, the st sting and unaerable.
Our present union is rked with both these characters: we are young and we hae been distressed; but ourd hath withstood our troubles, and fies a rable are for posterity to glory in.
The present ti, likewise, is that peculiar ti, whieer happens to a nation but once, iz. the ti of f itself into a goer.
Most nations hae let slip the opportunity, and by that ans hae been pelled to receie ws frotheir querors, instead of king ws for theeles. First, they had a king, and then a foer; whereas, the articles or charter of goer, should be ford first, and n delegated to eecute theafterward but frothe errors of other nations, let us learn wisdo and y hold of the present opportunity --TO BEGIN GOVER AT THE RIGHT END.
When Williathe queror subdued Engnd, he gae thew at the point of the sword; and until we sent, that the seat of goer, in Arica, be legally and authoritatiely oupied, we shall be in danger of haing it filled by so fortunate ruffian, who y treat us in the sa nner, and then, where will be our freedo where our property? As tion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all goer, to protect all stious professors thereof, and I know of no other business which goer hath to do therewith, Let a n throw aside that narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are willing to part with, and he will be at deliered of his fears on that head. Suspi is the panion of an souls, and the bane of all good society. For self, I fully and stiously beliee, that it is the will of the Alghty, that there should be diersity ious opinions ang us: It affords a rger field for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, ious dispositions would want tter for probation; and on this liberal principle, I look on the arious denonations ang us, to be like children of the sa;dfn..;/dfne faly, differing only, in what is called, their Christian nas.
In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a tial Charter, (for I only presu to offer hints, not pns) and in this pce, I take the liberty of rentioning the subject, by , that a charter is to be uood as a bond of sole obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of eery separate part, whether ion, personal freedo or property.
A firbargain and a right reing ke long friends.
In a fe I likewise ntiohe y of a rge and equal representation; and there is no political tter which re deseres our attention. A sll nuer of electors, or a sll nuer of representaties, are equally dangerous.
But if the nuer of the representaties be not only sll, but unequal, the danger is increased. As an instance of this, I ntion the following; when the Associators petition was before the House of Assely of Pennsylani twe ers only were present, all the Bucks ty ers, bei, oted against it, and had seen of the Chester ers dohe sa, this whole proince had been goerned by two ties only, and this da is always eposed to.
The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house de in their st sitting, to gain an uhority oer the delegates of that proince, ought to warn the people at rge, how they trust power out of their own hands. A set of instrus for the Delegates were put together, whi point of sense and business would hae dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approed by a FEW, a VERY FEW without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN BEHALF OF THE WHOLE Y; whereas, did the whole y know, with what ill-will that House hath entered on so necessary public asures, they would not hesitate a nt to think theunworthy of such a trust.
Iediate y kes ny things e, which if tinued would grow into oppressions. Epediend right are different things.
Wheies of Arica required a suation, there was hod so ready, or at that ti so proper, as to appoint persons frothe seeral Houses of Assely for that purpose; and the wisdowith which they hae proceeded hath presered this ti froruin.
But as it is re than probable that we shall neer be without a GRESS, eery well wisher to good order, st own, that the de for choosing ers of that body, deseres sideration. And I put it as a question to those, who ke a study of nkind, whether representation aion is not too great a power for one and the sa body of n to possess? When nning for posterity, we ought to reer, that irtue is not hereditary.
It is froour ehat we often gain ecellent i, and are frequently surprised into reason by their stakes, Mr. wall (one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York Assely with pt, because THAT House, he said, sisted but of twenty-si ers, which trifling nuer, he argueduld not with decy be put for the whole. We thank hifor his inoluntary hoy.
[Those who would fully uand of what great sequence a rge and equal representation is to a state, should read Burghs political disquisitions.] TO CLUDE, howeer stra y appear to so, or howeer unwilling they y be to think so, tters not, but ny strong and striking reasons y be gien, to shew, that nothing settle our affairs so epeditiously as an open aerned decration for independance. So of which are, FIRST. -- It is the of nations, when any two are at war, for so other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as diators, and bring about the prelinaries of a peace: hut while Arica calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, howeer well disposed she y be, offer her diation. Wherefore, in our present state we y quarrel on for eer.
SEDLY. -- It is unreasoo suppose, that France or Spain will gie us any kind of assistance, if we an only, to ke use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening the e between Britain and Aric because, those powers would be sufferers by the sequences.
THIRDLY. -- While we profess ourseles the subjects of Britai, in the eye of fn nations. be sidered as rebels. The pret is sowhat dangerous to THEIR PEACE, for n to be in ar uhe na of subjects; we, on the spot, sole the parado: but to unite resistand subje, requires an idea ch too refined for on uanding.
FOURTHLY. -- Were a o to be published, ached turts, setting forth the series we hae endured, and the peaceable thods we hae iually used for redress; deg, at the sa ti, that not being able, any loo lie happily or safely uhe cruel disposition of the Britisurt, we had been drien to the y of breaking off all es with her; at the sa ti, assuring all sucurts of our peaceable disposition towards the and of our desire of entering into trade with the Such a rial would produce od effects to this ti, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.
Under our present denonation of British subjects, we either be receied nor heard abroad: The of alurts is against us, and will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations.
These proceedings y at first appear strange and difficu; but, like all other steps which we hae already passed oer, will in a little ti bee faliar and agreeable; and, until an independance is decred, the ti will feel itself like a n who tinues putting off so unpleasant business froday to day, yet knows it st be done, hates to set about it, wishes it oer, and is tinually haunted with the thoughts of its y.
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